Iran's foreign minister leaves Pakistan, then Trump cancels U.S. delegation's travel



An Iranian woman walks past symbolic belongings laid on the ground at Valiasr Square in Tehran on April 24, 2026, in tribute to the schoolgirls in Minab killed in an airstrike.

An Iranian woman walks past symbolic belongings laid on the ground at Valiasr Square in Tehran on April 24, 2026, in tribute to the schoolgirls in Minab killed in an airstrike.
An Iranian woman walks past symbolic belongings laid on the ground at Valiasr Square in Tehran on April 24 in tribute to the schoolgirls in Minab killed in an airstrike.
AFP via Getty Images

After a day-long visit to Pakistan, Iran's foreign minister Abbas Araghchi has left, prior to the arrival of a U.S. delegation, say Pakistani officials.

The White House had earlier confirmed that U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff and President Donald Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner would travel to Pakistan Saturday for a new round of peace talks.

But according to a post on his Truth Social account, Trump has said he was now canceling the U.S. delegation's Saturday trip. This decision, first reported by Fox News, came just minutes after Pakistani officials said Iran's Foreign Minister had left Islamabad.

Araghchi had arrived Friday in the capital Islamabad, where Pakistan had hosted direct U.S.-Iran talks earlier this month. His spokesperson, Esmaeil Baqaei, had denied that a direct meeting with the U.S. was planned.

This handout photo released by the Iranian foreign ministry shows Pakistan's Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar (L) greeting his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi upon his arrival in Islamabad on April 24, 2026.
This handout photo released by the Iranian foreign ministry shows Pakistan's Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar (L) greeting his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi upon his arrival in Islamabad on April 24.
Iranian Foreign Ministry | AFP

"Iran's observations would be conveyed to Pakistan," he wrote on X.

The news of U.S. and Iranian officials planned travel to Pakistan had come the same day that Israel's military said it attacked southern Lebanon, targeting sites it says belong to the Iran-backed Lebanese militant group Hezbollah. The militant group also fired rockets into Israel.

That was despite President Trump's announcement that Israel and Lebanon agreed during White House talks Thursday to extend the ceasefire by three weeks. Hezbollah was not involved in the negotiations and has opposed them.

The shaky Israel-Lebanon ceasefire is linked to broader U.S. efforts to draw its war with Iran to a close. Tehran has insisted that the fighting in Lebanon remain paused as a precondition for further peace talks with the United States.

Trump had unilaterally extended the ceasefire with Iran earlier this week, hours before it was set to expire, without indicating a new expiration date.

Iran has dismissed that extension as "meaningless," saying the continued U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports is a violation of the deal and that the Iranian delegation will not return to the negotiating table until the blockade is lifted.

Security personnel stand guard at a closed road leading to the Serena Hotel in the Red Zone area of Islamabad on April 23, 2026.
Security personnel stand guard at a closed road leading to the Serena Hotel in the Red Zone area of Islamabad on April 23.
Asif Hassan | AFP via Getty Images

Here are the latest updates on Day 57 of the conflict in the Middle East:

Possible Iran talks | NATO rift | Mines in Hormuz | New sanctions | Pope Leo


Witkoff and Kushner cancel trip to Pakistan for Iran talks: Fox News

According to Fox News, President Trump has told one of their reporters he was canceling the U.S. delegation's planned trip to Islamabad today. This came minutes after Pakistani officials said Iran's Foreign Minister had left Islamabad.

But Friday White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, had said on Fox News that President Trump was dispatching Witkoff and Kushner to Islamabad "to go hear" what the Iranians have to say.

"We're hopeful that it will be a productive conversation and hopefully move the ball forward towards a deal," she had said, adding that the Iranians asked for the talks.

Vice President Vance, who led the U.S. delegation last time, is not planning to travel this weekend, she said.

"The vice president remains deeply involved in this entire process, and he'll be standing by here in the United States, along with the president and the secretary of state, Marco Rubio, and the entire national security team for updates," Leavitt said.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt speaks to the press at the White House in Washington, DC, on April 24, 2026. US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner will head to Pakistan on April 25 for a new round of talks with Iran on ending the war, Leavitt told Fox News.
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt speaks to the press at the White House in Washington, DC, on April 24. US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner will head to Pakistan on April 25 for a new round of talks with Iran on ending the war, Leavitt told Fox News.
Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images

Iran's foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, had arrived in Islamabad Friday. "Purpose of my visits is to closely coordinate with our partners on bilateral matters and consult on regional developments," he said announcing the trip on social media. He noted he would also visit Oman and Russia.

Araghchi did not say if he would participate in talks with the U.S. A statement from Pakistan's Foreign Ministry said Araghchi was meeting senior Pakistani officials.

On Thursday, President Trump said he was in no hurry to reach a deal to end the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran. "I don't want to rush. I want to take my time," Trump told reporters, adding that he was prepared to wait for "the best deal."


Spain shrugs off reported Pentagon memo looking to penalize NATO allies for Iran war stance

On Friday, Spain's prime minister pushed back against reported U.S. plans to penalize NATO allies who refused to support the U.S. in its war with Iran.

The Reuters news agency reported on Thursday about the existence of an internal Pentagon memo, prepared by top Pentagon official Elbridge Colby, outlining measures that the U.S. could take to retaliate against what it called "difficult" allies.

NPR has not independently reviewed the document. When asked about the reported memo, Pentagon Press Secretary Kingsley Wilson declined to comment on "internal deliberations," but said the department is working to ensure the president has "credible options to ensure that our allies … do their part."

Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez speaks to journalists as he arrives for an informal meeting of the European Council in Nicosia on April 24, 2026.
Spain's Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez speaks to journalists as he arrives for an informal meeting of the European Council in Nicosia on April 24.
Nicolas Tucat | AFP via Getty Images

While no NATO member volunteered to join combat operations, Spain has been the most defiantly opposed to the war, deeming it illegal and refusing to allow the U.S. to use bases on Spanish territory.

Reuters reported that the confidential communication singled out the Spanish government, suggesting it could be suspended from NATO, and that Spain and others might be blocked from top positions inside the alliance.

At a European Union summit, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez was asked about the Reuters report. "We don't work on the basis of emails," he responded, speaking in Spanish. "We are working on official documents and positions, made in this case by the United States government."


Mines in the Strait of Hormuz

Trump said on social media Thursday he had ordered the U.S. Navy to "shoot and kill any boat" trying to lay mines in the Strait of Hormuz.

Speaking at a Pentagon news conference on Friday morning, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth reiterated the president's threat, saying such vessels were "acting like pirates, acting like terrorists."

"They're the ones who lay indiscriminate mines," he said.

Hegseth also derided Washington's allies in Europe for not joining the U.S.-Israeli war. "We are not counting on Europe," he told reporters. "But they need the Strait of Hormuz much more than we do and might want to start doing less talking and having less fancy conferences in Europe and get in a boat."

"This is much more their fight than ours," he added.

A Pentagon assessment shared in closed-door briefings with Congress indicates it could take up to six months to fully clear Iranian-laid mines from the Strait of Hormuz, according to a U.S. official who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly.

People sit on the beach with ships in the distance on April 24, 2026 in Kish Island, Iran.
People sit on the beach with ships in the distance on April 24 in Kish Island, Iran.
Getty Images

The threat of being attacked in the strait has had a tremendous effect on global shipping. Some vessels with links to Iran made attempts to move through the strait, but others are staying away after Iran attacked three ships with gunfire earlier this week and seized two.

Around 20,000 seafarers have also been stuck aboard their ships since the start of the war.

"There are a substantial number of tanker shipowners that [are keeping] their vessels away from the Middle East," Basil Karatzas, who heads the maritime consulting company Karatzas Marine Advisors, told NPR.

The disruption goes beyond oil. Helium, fertilizer and aluminum, which are all critical elements for industry and farming, have been held up in the Gulf, causing global shortages and driving up costs.


U.S. sanctions China-based oil refinery and firms and tankers accused of shipping Iran's oil

The U.S. Treasury Department said Friday it was imposing sanctions on an independent oil refinery in China, Hengli Petrochemical (Dalian) Refinery Co., Ltd., that it said was helping sustain Iran's oil economy.

The Treasury also said its Office of Foreign Assets Control is targeting about 40 shipping firms and vessels that it said are part of a clandestine network of tankers, working on behalf of Tehran to bypass international sanctions.

"At President Trump's direction, Treasury will continue to constrict the network of vessels, intermediaries, and buyers Iran relies on to move its oil to global markets. Any person or vessel facilitating these flows—through covert trade and finance—risks exposure to U.S. sanctions," Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a statement.

Separately, the Trump administration extended a waiver of the Jones Act, in an attempt to help with domestic supplies of gasoline and other refined oil products.

The initial 60-day waiver of the act was meant to help companies adapt to the global disruption in oil supplies caused by the Iran war. Experts say it does make it easier to ship fuels from U.S. refineries to U.S. customers, but the effect on gas prices for consumers is minimal.


Pope Leo urges U.S. and Iran to return to talks

Pope Leo XIV called on the United States and Iran to return to the negotiating table Friday, calling for renewed talks to end the war.

Speaking to reporters aboard the papal plane after a trip to Africa, Leo urged leaders to adopt what he called "a culture of peace."

He called the negotiations between Iran and the United States "complex," but urged all sides to remain committed to dialogue.

He said he was carrying a photograph of a young Muslim Lebanese boy killed in Israel's recent attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon. The same child had been photographed holding a sign welcoming the pope during his visit to Lebanon last year.

"When conflicts arise," Leo said, "the question is how to promote the values we believe in without the deaths of so many innocents."


Resident Mohamad Ali Hijazi holds his damaged family photo album amid the rubble of destroyed buildings at a residential area in Tyre on April 23, 2026.
Resident Mohamad Ali Hijazi holds his damaged family photo album amid the rubble of destroyed buildings at a residential area in Tyre on April 23.
AFP via Getty Images

Copyright 2026, NPR



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Recent Reviews


Most tax penalties follow a simple logic. The bigger the tax problem, the bigger the penalty.

For example, the civil fraud penalty is one of the most severe penalties in our tax code. This makes sense as fraud is the most severe thing that one can do wrong when it comes to taxes. The civil fraud penalty is 75% of the understated tax. This means it is effectively capped at about 26% of the underlying income (75% of the 35% maximum tax rate).

There are other penalties that are not tied to the tax loss to the government. Foreign Bank and Financial Accounts Report (“FBAR”) penalties are a prime example. FBAR penalties are based solely on unreported account balances. FBAR penalties can exceed 100% of the account value. This makes the FBAR penalties significantly larger than even the harshest traditional tax penalties. They can even greatly exceed the amount for the civil fraud penalty.

FBAR penalties often are excessive. Taxpayers have argued FBAR penalties are excessive. The courts have generally dismissed these challenges, however. This has recently changed with the United States v. Schwarzbaum, No. 22-14058 (11th Cir. Jan. 23, 2025) case.

Facts & Procedural History

The case involves a taxpayer who was born in Germany. He became a legal permanent resident of the U.S. in 1995 and obtained his U.S. citizenship in 2000. He then split his time between Costa Rica, Switzerland, and the United States.

The taxpayer’s wealth originated from his father’s successful textile and real estate ventures in Germany. In 2001, the father transferred an existing Swiss bank account to the taxpayer and continued making substantial gifts to the account through 2009. The funds were managed according to the father’s instructions by bankers, with the taxpayer never directing investments.

Between 2006 and 2009, the taxpayer maintained interests in 13 foreign accounts. This included 11 accounts in Switzerland and two in Costa Rica. The account balances were substantial:

  • One UBS account held over $8.6 million
  • Another UBS account contained more than $15 million
  • Multiple other Swiss accounts held between $2.6 million and $4.5 million each
  • One account (Aargauische) maintained a balance under $16,000

The taxpayer properly disclosed these accounts to his CPAs. However, the taxpayer’s CPAs incorrectly advised him that he had no duty to report these assets. Relying on this incorrect advice, the taxpayer filed incomplete FBARs. In 2007 he reported only one Scotiabank account. He filed no FBAR for 2008 until 2011. In 2009, he filed to disclose just three accounts out of the many he held.

In 2010, the taxpayer entered the IRS’s Offshore Voluntary Disclosure Initiative (“OVDI”). As part of this, the taxpayer disclosed 17 Swiss accounts and 4 Costa Rican accounts. The taxpayer later opted out of the program, which triggered an IRS audit.

The procedural history that followed was complex. The IRS initially calculated FBAR penalties at $35.4 million. This was reduced to $13.7 million after mitigation. The penalties were timely assessed in September 2016 under a tolling agreement.

In August 2018, the U.S. filed suit to collect the penalties. In March 2020, the district court found willful violations for 2007-2009. Multiple appeals followed regarding calculation methods. The IRS ultimately recalculated the penalties at $13.5 million. The government sought a final judgment of $12.5 million.

After an initial decision focusing on procedural issues, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals granted a petition for rehearing, vacated its prior opinion, and addressed the constitutional question of whether FBAR penalties are so severe that they violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on excessive fines.

About FBAR Penalties

U.S. citizens and residents have to file an FBAR to report financial interest in or signature authority over most foreign financial accounts.

The forms have to be filed if the accounts exceed $10,000 in total at any time during the calendar year. This is not an annual account balance test. If the combined accounts exceed $10,000 even for one day, the filing requirement is triggered.

The FBAR forms are not filed with the IRS. They are filed with the Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (“FinCEN”) through its BSA E-Filing System.

Unlike most tax penalties, FBAR penalties are not found in the tax code. They come from the Bank Secrecy Act of 1970, which was primarily designed to combat money laundering and other financial crimes. The IRS enforces these penalties even though they were not found in the tax law and not filed with the IRS.

Congress has created different tiers of penalties for FBAR violations. Non-willful violations are capped at $10,000 per violation. The courts have determined this is per account, not per year.

Willful violations trigger much steeper penalties. The IRS can assess the greater of $100,000, or 50% of the account balance at the time of the violation. This is the conjunctive “or” and not capped at $100,000.

The standard for “willful” violations in FBAR cases is surprisingly low. While criminal tax cases require proof that a taxpayer intentionally violated a known legal duty, civil FBAR cases only require recklessness. The courts have held that simply checking “no” on Schedule B of a tax return (which asks about foreign accounts) can be evidence of willfulness if the taxpayer has significant foreign accounts. Even failing to review tax returns carefully before signing them can constitute reckless conduct that triggers the larger willful FBAR penalties.

For willful violations, the penalties can stack year after year. Since the penalty is based on the account balance on the FBAR due date in each year, an account could theoretically be wiped out in just two years of penalties.

The Constitutional Framework

The Constitution gives Congress broad powers when it comes to taxes. Article I, Section 8 grants Congress the power to “lay and collect taxes.” The Sixteenth Amendment explicitly authorizes income taxes. Constitutional challenges to tax laws often focus on whether Congress acted within these enumerated powers, whether taxes are uniformly applied, or whether taxpayers received proper notice and hearings, or the taxpayer’s right to choose their own tax attorney.

FBAR penalties present a different constitutional question. Since these penalties originated in banking law rather than tax law, they raise issues under the Eighth Amendment’s Excessive Fines Clause. This clause states that “excessive fines shall not be imposed.”

While the Excessive Fines Clause originally targeted criminal penalties, the Supreme Court has extended it to civil penalties that serve punitive purposes. The key question is whether a penalty is solely remedial or serves even partly as punishment. If the penalty has any punitive aspect, it must not be “excessive” under the Eighth Amendment.

This creates an unusual situation. Congress has nearly unlimited power to impose taxes and traditional tax penalties. But when Congress creates penalties outside the tax code–like FBAR penalties–those penalties face constitutional scrutiny under the Excessive Fines Clause.

The Court’s Constitutional Analysis

The Eleventh Circuit had to first consider how FBAR penalties compare to traditional tax penalties. Most tax penalties are limited by being tied to the tax loss. The civil fraud penalty–one of the most severe penalties–is 75% of the understated tax. With our maximum tax rate of 35%, this means the civil fraud penalty cannot exceed 26% of the underlying income. FBAR penalties, by contrast, can exceed the entire value of the account.

With this context, the court found that FBAR penalties are subject to Eighth Amendment review because they serve punitive, not merely remedial, purposes. The court pointed to several factors for this:

  1. The penalties are calculated without regard to government costs
  2. The penalty structure focuses on culpability (higher for willful violations)
  3. Congress explicitly designed the penalties for deterrence
  4. The penalties can far exceed typical tax penalties

Applying this framework, the court found that $100,000 penalties on accounts holding less than $16,000 were “grossly disproportional” and thus unconstitutional. However, the court upheld larger penalties for the foreign accounts that held millions of dollars. This decision is particularly important as there are no administrative collection due process rights for FBAR penalties.

The court’s analysis raises fundamental questions about penalty proportionality. Most tax penalties are tied to the tax loss to the government. They are capped based on the tax rate. For example, the civil fraud penalty is 75% of the understated tax. With a maximum tax rate of 35%, this means the penalty cannot exceed 26% of the underlying income (75% x 35%).

As noted above, FBAR penalties work differently. They are based on account balances, not tax loss. They can exceed 100% of the account value. This leads to situations where the penalty amount may be thousands of times larger than any potential tax loss. The court acknowledged this disparity but concluded that hiding foreign accounts creates unique harms that justify larger penalties–at least for substantial accounts.

Differing Opinions for Now

This case marks a significant shift in how courts view FBAR penalties. In United States v. Toth, 33 F.4th 1 (1st Cir. 2022), the First Circuit had previously held that FBAR penalties entirely escape Eighth Amendment scrutiny. That court viewed these penalties as purely remedial, merely compensating the government for the costs of investigating foreign accounts.

The Eleventh Circuit explicitly rejected this view. It found that even if FBAR penalties serve some remedial purpose, they are at least partly punitive and thus subject to constitutional review. This creates a direct split between circuits on a fundamental question: whether there are any constitutional limits on FBAR penalties. Given the stakes involved and the frequency of FBAR cases, the Supreme Court may need to resolve this issue.

The Takeaway

This case preserved the IRS’s ability to impose significant FBAR penalties on larger foreign accounts. However, the case provides some grounds for taxpayers to make this type of constitutional argument when trying to defend against FBAR penalties. It suggests that penalties grossly disproportionate to account balances–like a $100,000 penalty on a $16,000 account–may be successfully challenged as unconstitutional.

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